Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (2024)

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Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (1)

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PLoS One. 2023; 18(2): e0281758.

Published online 2023 Feb 13. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0281758

PMCID: PMC9925008

PMID: 36780462

Ryosuke Niimi, Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Supervision, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editingGood conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (2)* and Mami Goto, Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology

Vilfredo De Pascalis, Editor

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Data Availability Statement

Abstract

Human facial attractiveness is related to physical features, such as clear complexion and symmetry. However, it is also known that facial attractiveness judgments are influenced by a wide range of non-physical factors. Here, we examined the effect of the personality information of a target person on facial attractiveness judgments. In Experiment 1, participants read a verbal description of a target person (high or low honesty), followed by the presentation of the target face and facial attractiveness rating. The honest personality increased the rated facial attractiveness, replicating a previous report. This “honesty premium” effect was independent of pre-rated facial attractiveness (Experiment 1), target gender, participant gender, and target clothing (Experiment 2). Experiment 3 found that creative personality did not affect facial attractiveness ratings, while an aggressive personality was suggested to decrease the rated facial attractiveness of male targets. We did not find evidence that participants’ moods caused these effects. The results suggest that the “what is good is beautiful” stereotype is robust and that facial attractiveness is malleable and dependent on various physical and non-physical information.

Introduction

Human physical attractiveness has drawn considerable attention from researchers in psychology and related fields. Most people are at least somewhat concerned about their physical appearance, which sometimes affects their psychological wellbeing [1]. Facial attractiveness is a major concern, as it is widely believed that it is related to personality traits and therefore changes the behavior of others. Empirical studies have shown that people have a naïve belief that “what is beautiful is good.” A target person with an attractive face is often rated as having a favorable personality, good health, and high competence, which is known as the physical attractiveness stereotype [28]. It is noteworthy that the validity of such a stereotype has been questioned, as physical attractiveness does not reliably predict actual competence or personality [5, 9, 10], although some studies suggest a partial relationship between facial appearance and actual personality [11]. Nevertheless, facial and overall physical attractiveness actually influence a wide range of human behaviors, including dating [12, 13], helping [14, 15], persuasion [16], personnel decision [17], and voting [1820]. Virtual avatars have similar effects [21, 22].

What allows facial attractiveness to have these pervasive influences is the high sensitivity of human vision to attractiveness. Visual perception of facial attractiveness is efficient [23, 24] and consistent among observers [7]. These facts have led researchers to hypothesize that facial attractiveness is a quasi-objective visual feature and that human vision is tuned for it. Indeed, studies have sought objective determinants of facial attractiveness, such as the size of facial parts [25], symmetry [26, 27], and averageness [28], although debate about these factors persist [29, 30]. These findings are consistent with the evolutionary account for attractiveness [31, 32], in which those objective determinants are signals for “good genes” and the human visual system has evolved to detect those signals, although there are arguments against this account [5, 33].

However, it seems quite important to remember that attractiveness is a psychological construct that represents an observer’s internal perception of being attracted, not an objective entity: beauty is in the eye of the beholder. Knowing that facial attractiveness is malleable and dependent on many psychological factors in addition to physical ones may provide some insights into how we can cope with appearance-related prejudices and stereotypes that may undermine psychological wellbeing [1].

Perceptions of facial attractiveness are not always based on physical features. They are influenced considerably by idiosyncratic standards of beauty [34]. The observer’s experiences also play a crucial role, as the physical appearances of individuals that the observer knows well are often judged as more attractive [3537]. Literature has reported countless factors affecting perceptions of facial attractiveness, such as familiarity [3840], observer’s mood [41, 42], alcohol consumption [43], and nicotine intake [44]. Accessory stimuli accompanying a target face matter as well, including facial expressions [45, 46], hairstyle [47], flanking faces [48], bowing [49], and odor [50]. Red color was first shown to increase facial attractiveness [51] but a later meta-analysis revealed that the effect is negligible [52].

The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness

Prior knowledge about a target person influences rated facial attractiveness. Thiruchselvam et al. [40] presented (ostensible) peer attractiveness ratings before a target face was rated, and participants’ ratings of the target’s facial attractiveness were biased by the peer ratings. Situational context [53], attitude similarity [54] and in-group bias [38] are also known to influence facial attractiveness judgments. Favorable behaviors of a target person increase attractiveness. For example, using video stimuli, Nisbett and Wilson [55] demonstrated that the physical appearance of a target person behaving warmly and friendly was rated as more appealing than cold and distant targets.

Verbal descriptions of target personalities can also alter attractiveness judgments. Gross and Crofton [56] presented a photograph of a (fictional) female student attached with verbal descriptions of her personality. Male and female participants gave higher physical attractiveness ratings under the condition of favorable descriptions (e.g., generous, friendly) than under the condition of unfavorable descriptions (selfish, unfriendly). Hassin and Trope [57] (Study 6) adopted a similar procedure and found that descriptions of the kind personality of a male target increased his facial attractiveness rated by male and female participants. Such an effect seems to include both an increment effect by positive personality information and a decrement effect by negative personality information [58]. A comparable effect of personality information has been reported for female bodily attractiveness [59]. These findings suggest that there is a “what is good is beautiful” stereotype, the reverse of the physical attractiveness stereotype.

Paunonen [60] replicated and extended these results using a modified experimental procedure. Unlike in the previous studies [56, 57], personality descriptions were presented prior to the presentation of the target face image. This procedure eliminated the possibility that the facial image affected the interpretation of the descriptions. He also extended research of the “good is beautiful” effect by using personality traits not manipulated in the previous studies. Participants read a personality description that included manipulations of honesty, intelligence, and independence, followed by personality ratings (manipulation check). Then, a face image of a target person was shown, and the participants rated its physical characteristics, including attractiveness. The results showed an “honesty premium” effect, i.e., that target descriptions of high honesty increased the rated facial attractiveness compared to low honesty descriptions. Intelligence and independence did not yield such effect.

Later studies [61, 62] further confirmed that the presentation of favorable personality information did increase attractiveness by comparing the attractiveness ratings before and after the personality information presentation. This “what is good is beautiful” effect was found irrespective of the level of pre-rated facial attractiveness [56, 61]. Another intriguing aspect of these studies is the fact that personality information often altered the ratings of physical characteristics other than attractiveness (e.g., kind targets were rated as having shorter ears and rounder chins [57]), further implying that these effects reflect the stereotype that physical features are related to personality traits.

The present study

We conducted four experiments to replicate and extend the results of Paunonen’s study [60] (see Fig 1a). First, we aimed to replicate the “honesty premium” effect on facial attractiveness with a Japanese student sample (Experiment 1) and a larger sample including a wide range of ages (Experiment 2). Furthermore, we examined whether personality traits other than honesty (creativity and aggressiveness) would show similar effects (Experiment 3).

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (3)

An overview of the experimental procedure.

Schematic illustrations of the procedures (a) and examples of the stimulus face images (b, c, d) are shown. Pre-rated facial attractiveness was manipulated in Experiment 1 (b). Experiments 2, 3, and 4 adopted the faces of medium attractiveness (c, d). Shirt attractiveness was varied in Experiment 2 to test whether it influenced the facial attractiveness ratings (c).

In addition, Experiment 4 examined the effects of mood (see Fig 1a). Paunonen concluded that the “honesty premium” effect was mediated by the general likability of a target person: rated likability was higher for the honest target and covaried with rated attractiveness. However, reading the honest personality description might have induced a positive mood in the participants, while the low honesty description might have induced a negative mood. It is known that positive/negative moods influence face perception [63], trustworthiness and friendliness of faces [64], and facial attractiveness [41, 42] (see also [65]). In these studies, moods were induced in ways that were irrelevant to the main tasks of the facial attractiveness rating (e.g., background music), so it seemed probable that the “honesty premium” effect of Paunonen [60] might be due to the effect of positive/negative mood induced by the high/low honesty descriptions (the mood hypothesis).

Experiment 1

Experiment 1 replicated Paunonen’s [60] experiment with some exceptions. We manipulated the honesty of the personality description but did not manipulate intelligence or independence. Additionally, we manipulated the pre-rated attractiveness of the stimulus face images. As studies have shown that the “premium” effect of favorable personality traits occurred irrespective of pre-rated attractiveness [56, 61], we predicted that Paunonen’s “honesty premium” effect would be replicated for both relatively attractive and unattractive faces.

Method

Ethical statements

All the procedures of the experiments reported in this article were approved by the Niigata University Ethical Committee on Human Research (2020–0467, 2021–0364). All the experiments were conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki (2013 amendment) and other relevant guidelines. All participants gave informed consent in advance by marking the “I agree to participate” box on the electronic forms. All the stimulus facial images, including those shown in Fig 1, were adapted from publicly available stock photography (https://www.photo-ac.com/).

Participants

Sixty-five undergraduate students (38 women and 27 men; mean age 21.1, SD = 2.4) volunteered. They were recruited through electronic flyers distributed after classes and mail-based snowball sampling. The sample size (16 per condition) was determined following the previous study [60].

Stimulus face images

Eight grayscale face images (four males, four females, and all East Asians; Fig 1b) with neutral or slightly smiling expressions were adopted from stock photography. Each image showed a face looking about 20–30 years old from the shoulders up. The images were selected by a pilot study in which eight individuals who did not participate in any other experiment observed 32 face images (16 males and 16 females) and rated their physical attractiveness using a 5-point scale (1 = not attractive at all, 5 = extremely attractive). Personality descriptions were not given in the pilot study. Two male and two female images were selected as relatively attractive (mean ratings of 4.2 and 4.3, respectively), and two male and two female images were selected as relatively unattractive (2.7 and 2.9, respectively).

Personality descriptions

Each participant read one of four versions of the target descriptions (honesty [low/high] × target gender [M/F]), which were Japanese translations of Paunonen’s [60] descriptions. Each description consisted of four sentences describing the target person’s intelligence, three sentences describing independence, and two sentences describing honesty. The seven sentences on intelligence and independence served as fillers. We adopted Paunonen’s high-intelligence and low-independence descriptions. The last two sentences described the target person as always/never asking permission when borrowing things and having returned/stolen the money from a purse the target person had found (high/low honesty conditions, respectively).

Procedure

An electronic questionnaire document (Microsoft Word file) was sent to the participants via e-mail. We created 16 versions of the form in total (two levels of honesty × eight face images [4 male and 4 female]). Each participant was randomly assigned to one of 16 forms. Each form was organized in the following order: a cover page, demographic questions (age, gender), personality description, personality ratings, and physical ratings. Participants were asked to answer one page at a time and not return to a previous page. After completing the demographic questions, they read the personality description of the target person. They then rated seven of the target person’s personality traits, as in Paunonen’s study [60]: intelligence, independence, honesty, anxiousness, ambition, sociability, and likability. The honesty rating served as a manipulation check. A 9-point rating scale was used (e.g., 1 = extremely dishonest, 9 = extremely honest). No face image was accompanied by the personality description or personality ratings. Following the personality ratings, participants were shown a face image as that of the target person described on the previous page and asked to rate their physical characteristics using a 9-point rating scale. Paunonen’s 20 items were used, including attractiveness and filler items (e.g., maturity, eye roundness). S1 Table shows the entire list. Paunonen found an effect of honesty not only on attractiveness but also on seven filler items (e.g., the honest target was judged to have a more feminine face and a more graceful neck).

Results and discussion

Data preprocessing

Missing values (0.85%) were excluded from subsequent analyses. If two adjacent points were marked, we averaged them (e.g., if 2 and 3 were marked, then 2.5).

Personality ratings

For each of the seven personality traits, a two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was applied to examine the effects of honesty (low/high) and pre-rated facial attractiveness (low/high). S1 Table shows the results, and we selectively report the critical findings here. The manipulation of honesty was successful, as the mean rated honesty was significantly higher in the high honesty condition, M = 8.1 (SD = 1.1), than in the low honesty condition, M = 2.7 (SD = 2.1) (main effect of honesty, F(1, 61) = 165.6, p < .001, ηp2 = .731). Furthermore, the high honesty target was rated as more intelligent, more independent, less ambitious, more sociable, and more likable (ps < .01). Pre-rated facial attractiveness had almost no effect on personality ratings (see S1 Table) because facial images were not given to the participants at the moment of personality ratings.

Physical ratings

The 20 physical characteristics of the target faces were analyzed using the same ANOVA. As can be seen in Fig 2a, rated facial attractiveness was significantly higher for targets with high pre-rated facial attractiveness (main effect of pre-rated attractiveness, F(1, 61) = 10.71, p = .002, ηp2 = .149), confirming the successful manipulation. The high-honesty target faces were rated as more attractive (main effect of honesty, F(1, 61) = 8.84, p = .004, ηp2 = .127). A post hoc power analysis yielded an acceptable statistical power of .856 (α = .05). The size of the attractiveness increment by high honesty seemed equal for both attractive and unattractive faces. The two-way interaction was not significant (F(1, 61) = 0.03, p = .852, ηp2 = .001). A Bayes factor analysis showed that a linear model with the two fixed effects (honesty and pre-rated attractiveness) but without the interaction effect was favored against the full model by BF = 2.96, which was weak evidence. In addition, the faces of the high honesty targets were rated as kinder (p < .001), which was also reported by Paunonen [60]. Honesty did not alter the ratings of the other physical characteristics (see S1 Table). Pre-rated facial attractiveness significantly affected some physical characteristic ratings: attractive faces were rated as having larger and rounder eyes, thinner lips, and more angular shapes. These facial features may (partly) have determined the attractiveness ratings in the pilot study.

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (4)

Results of facial attractiveness rating in Experiments 1 (a) and 2 (b).

Error bars indicate 95% CI of the mean. Each dot indicates one participant’s result. M = male, F = female.

Summary

Prior presentation of verbal information about honest personality increased the rated attractiveness of subsequently presented target faces. The effect of honesty on facial attractiveness [60] was successfully replicated in a Japanese student sample. This “honesty premium” effect seemed to occur independently of the level of facial attractiveness rated in advance without any personality information.

Experiment 2

Experiment 2 further tested the replicability of the “honesty premium” effect [60] with a diverse-age sample from a crowdsourcing platform. The larger sample size (N = 457) than in Experiment 1 also enabled us to examine the effects of target gender and participant gender, despite Paunonen’s [60] report of a lack of a gender effect with N = 256. Another purpose of Experiment 2 was exploratory, to test whether attractive clothing influenced the judgments of facial attractiveness. Clothing attractiveness modifies person perception (e.g., [66]), and our previous work [67] found that attractive faces enhance the rated attractiveness of clothing.

Target honesty was manipulated in the same manner as in Experiment 1. We also manipulated the pre-rated attractiveness of the shirts worn by the target persons. A 2 (low/high honesty) × 2 (low/high shirt attractiveness) between-participant design was adopted. Experiment 2 was pre-registered (https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/NRP58).

Method

Participants

We recruited 480 participants through a crowdsourcing platform (crowdworks.jp). Since we assumed that crowd workers would yield larger variance and more invalid responses than the student sample of Experiment 1, we planned 30 samples per condition. A monetary reward of 300 JPY was given for participation. Data from 23 participants were excluded from the analysis (see below). The remaining 457 participants were 262 women and 195 men, with a mean age of 40.0 (SD = 10.4, range 19–75). The experiment was conducted in the Japanese language (thus, most participants were presumed to be residents of Japan, although we did not ask them where they lived).

Stimulus face images

We prepared 16 color images showing a person from the waist up by composing face and shirt images using graphic editing software (Fig 1c). We selected 2 male and 2 female faces of medium attractiveness based on the results of the pilot study in Experiment 1. For each gender, two attractive and two unattractive T-shirts were selected (see Fig 1c for examples) based on our previous study [67].

Procedure

We created an online form using lab.js (https://lab.js.org/ [68]). Each participant was randomly assigned to one of eight conditions: honesty (low/high) × shirt attractiveness (low/high) × target gender (M/F). The same personality descriptions were used as in Experiment 1.

The form was organized the same way as in Experiment 1, with the following exceptions: a new set of facial images was used to test the effect of shirt attractiveness. We selected only 8 physical rating items including attractiveness (see S2 Table) from the 20 items used in Experiment 1. All ratings were made on a visual analog scale (VAS) ranging from 0 to 100. The rest of the procedure was virtually identical to that used in Experiment 1.

Results and discussion

Data exclusion

Data from 22 participants were excluded because of seemingly unserious responses: ratings of 0 (the leftmost of the VAS), 50 (the default value), or 100 (the rightmost) for 8 or more items out of 15. Additionally, we excluded data from one participant who reported a non-binary gender identity because the sample size for the category (i.e., 1) was too small for statistical analysis of the effect of participant gender. Below, we report the results of the remaining 457 participants.

Personality ratings

We conducted a 4-way ANOVA on every rating item to examine the effects of honesty, shirt attractiveness, target gender, and participant gender. Target honesty was manipulated as intended: rated honesty was significantly higher for the high honesty condition, M = 89.5, SD = 13.1, than for the low honesty condition, M = 19.1, SD = 22.5 (F(1, 441) = 1490.77, p < .001, ηp2 = .772). No other main effects or interactions were significant for the honesty ratings (ps > .1). Interestingly, the main effect of honesty was significant for all other personality traits as well (ps < .001). A high honesty target was rated as more intelligent, more independent, more sociable, more likable, less ambitious, and less anxious. Further details are provided in S2 Table.

Physical ratings

The same 4-way ANOVA was applied to each physical rating item. Attractiveness ratings were key here (Fig 2b): the main effect of honesty was significant (F(1, 441) = 78.65, p < .001, ηp2 = .151), which confirmed the “honesty premium” effect. The achieved statistical power was very high (≃ 1). Shirt attractiveness did not show a significant effect (F(1, 441) = 1.15, p = .285, ηp2 = .003). In addition, male target faces were rated as more attractive than female ones (F(1, 441) = 6.2, p = .013, ηp2 = .014), although we selected face images of equally medium attractiveness. Participant gender had no effect (F(1, 441) = 0.64, p = .425, ηp2 = .001). All interactions were not significant (ps > .069). As honesty did not significantly interact with target or participant gender, both male and female participants equally showed the “honesty premium” effect irrespective of target gender.

As shown in S2 Table, honesty showed significant effects on other items as well: the faces of the high honesty target were rated as more feminine, kinder, and healthier (ps < .05). Shirt attractiveness significantly influenced only one item: target faces with attractive shirts were rated as healthier (p = .003). Participant gender influenced only one item: female participants rated the eyes of the target faces as larger (p = .020). Target gender yielded significant effects on five items, including attractiveness, which might reflect physical differences between male and female target images.

Summary

The faces of the target person described as honest were perceived to be more attractive, indicating the presence of the “honesty premium” effect in a diverse age group. Importantly, this effect occurred irrespective of the participant gender, target gender, and the attractiveness of clothing worn by the target person. Indeed, Bayes factor analyses showed that the linear model with the fixed effect of honesty was more likely compared to the models with honesty×participant gender, honesty×target gender, or honesty×shirt attractiveness (BFs = 16.30, 5.01, and 33.24, respectively). We found no evidence that attractive clothing increased the facial attractiveness of the target person.

Experiment 3

Experiments 1 and 2 replicated the “honesty premium” effect, so we aimed to investigate whether other personality traits have the same effect. Hassin and Trope [57] (Study 6) showed the effect of kindness. Paunonen [60] reported non-significant main effects of intelligence and independence, although there was a somewhat difficult-to-interpret, two-way interaction. These results led us to hypothesize that personality traits that can predict favorable or rewarding interpersonal behaviors would cause a large “premium” effect on facial attractiveness judgments. Indeed, some studies showed that warmth- or moral- related traits (e.g., kindness) often yielded more effect on attractiveness judgments than competence-related traits (e.g., intelligence) [57, 58]. These studies are inspired by the social psychology theory that the human person perception is well described by the two major components of warmth (also referred to as morality or trustworthiness) and competence [6971].

Experiment 3 examined whether creativity and aggressiveness had an effect on facial attractiveness ratings because aggressiveness is a warmth-related trait while creativity is competence-related. Although it is reported that creativity increases the overall attractiveness of the target person [72], it is still unclear whether creativity influences the physical attractiveness judgments of a target face. We hypothesized that the face of a target person described as low in aggressiveness would be rated more physically attractive than the face of a high aggressiveness target, while the personality descriptions of creativity would not influence the facial attractiveness ratings at all or only slightly.

Method

Participants

We planned a sample size of 128 under the assumption of medium effect size (f = 0.25) of the main effects and the two-way interaction, with α = 0.05 and power = 0.8. As a result, 117 undergraduates volunteered (82 women and 35 men; mean age 20.5, SD = 1.3). They were randomly divided into four groups (low/high creativity × low/high aggressiveness). As in Experiment 1, we recruited the participants via electronic flyers and emails.

Stimulus face images

Four male and four female faces with medium attractiveness were used (see Fig 1d for examples). They were selected based on the results of the pilot study in Experiment 1. As in Experiment 1, the face images were grayscale and showed target persons from the shoulders up.

Personality descriptions

We designed four personality description conditions by manipulating the creativity (low/high) and aggressiveness (low/high) of the target person. As we used both male and female targets, eight variants were prepared. Each description comprised three filler sentences, four sentences on aggressiveness, and four sentences on creativity (See S1 Appendix). For example, a high aggressiveness target was described as often yelling at others and hitting things. A high creativity target was described as often coming up with new ideas and making oil paintings.

Procedure

The experiment was conducted online using Google Forms. We prepared 32 forms (eight face images × four experimental conditions), and each participant was randomly assigned to one of the forms. The forms were organized in the same order as in Experiment 1. Participants read a personality description of an assigned condition, rated the personality of the target person, saw a stimulus face image, and rated the physical characteristics of the face. We used two personality rating items for manipulation checks (creativity and aggressiveness) in addition to the seven items used in Experiment 1. For physical ratings, we selected 12 items (including attractiveness) from the 20 items used in Experiment 1 (see S3 Table for the entire list). All items were rated using a 9-point scale, in the same manner as in Experiment 1.

Results and discussion

Personality ratings

For each item, the mean ratings were analyzed using a 2-way ANOVA (creativity × aggressiveness). The manipulations were successful. Mean rated creativity was significantly higher for the high creativity condition, M = 7.8, SD = 1.2, than for the low-creativity condition, M = 2.6, SD = 1.1 (main effect of creativity, F(1, 113) = 607.32, p < .001, ηp2 = .843), while the main effect of aggressiveness and the 2-way interaction was not significant (ps > .1). Mean rated aggressiveness was significantly higher for the high aggressiveness condition, M = 7.4, SD = 1.3, than for the low aggressiveness condition, M = 2.0, SD = 0.9 (main effect of aggressiveness, F(1, 113) = 642.07, p < .001, ηp2 = .850), while the main effects of creativity and the 2-way interaction were not significant (ps > .1). Many other items were also sensitive to the creativity/aggressiveness manipulation (see S3 Table). On average, a low aggressiveness target was rated as more intelligent, more independent, more honest, less anxious, more sociable, more likable, and less ambitious. A high creativity target was rated as more intelligent, more independent, more honest, more ambitious, and more sociable.

Physical ratings

The mean rated physical characteristics were analyzed using the same ANOVA (creativity×aggressiveness). The mean rated attractiveness tended to be higher for faces of low aggressiveness targets (M = 5.18, SD = 1.71) than for high aggressiveness target faces (M = 4.58, SD = 1.79), although the statistical significance of aggressiveness main effect was marginal (F(1, 113) = 3.44, p = .066, ηp2 = .030). Creativity did not affect rated attractiveness (F(1, 113) = 0.17, p = .677, ηp2 = .002), nor did the 2-way interaction (F(1, 113) = 1.70, p = .195, ηp2 = .015). The absence of a creativity effect was supported by the moderate Bayes factor favoring the null hypothesis (BF01 = 4.75). Of the 12 items, we found only one that was significantly modified by the personality descriptions: the face of a high aggressiveness target was rated as less kind (see S3 Table).

Effect of target gender

As an ad-hoc analysis, we incorporated target gender into the ANOVA on rated attractiveness because aggression may be perceived differently for male and female aggressors (e.g., [73, 74]). As Fig 3 shows, the high aggressiveness personality description decreased the attractiveness of male faces but not of female faces. A 3-way ANOVA again yielded a marginal main effect of aggressiveness (p = .072) and a non-significant main effect of creativity (p = .628). The main effect of target gender was not significant (p = .935). Importantly, a significant interaction of target gender and aggressiveness was found (F(1, 109) = 4.81, p = .030, ηp2 = .042) and the simple main effect of aggressiveness was significant for male faces (p = .005), but not for female faces (p = .793). However, the achieved power for this interaction was not high (.615, α = .05). No other interactions were significant (ps > .1). Although Fig 3 shows a pattern of aggressiveness×creativity interaction for female targets, it was not statistically significant. Future research with a substantial number of participants and target faces may be needed to clarify this issue.

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (5)

Results of facial attractiveness rating in Experiment 3.

Error bars indicate 95% CI of the mean. Each dot indicates each participant’s result. M = male, F = female.

Summary

The facial attractiveness of the aggressive male target was rated lower than that of the less aggressive male target. This effect of aggressiveness seemed absent for the female targets. However, such an interaction effect should be examined further with more statistical power. Creativity did not influence rated facial attractiveness.

Experiment 4

As discussed in the Introduction, Paunonen argued that the perceived personality of a target person affects attractiveness ratings via general likability. Consistent with this view, we observed higher likability ratings and higher facial attractiveness ratings for targets in the high honesty condition (Experiments 1 and 2) and in the low aggressiveness condition (Experiment 3).

Experiment 4 was conducted to examine another potential account for these effects: the participants’ mood (see Introduction). We tested whether the honesty descriptions influenced the attractiveness ratings for the face of a different person from the person described as honest/dishonest. We also measured the moods of participants to examine whether the low/high honesty personality description induced a negative/positive mood. Experiment 4 was pre-registered (https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/PGVA3).

Method

Overview

We designed four conditions based on a personality description of honesty (low/high) and face image relevance (relevant/irrelevant to the personality description). Participants read a personality description, rated the personality of the person described (manipulation check), viewed a face image of the person described (relevant) or a face image of another person (irrelevant), and rated its physical characteristics. Finally, they responded to rating items measuring their own positive and negative moods (Fig 1a). The relevant condition was almost a replication of Paunonen [60] without manipulating intelligence and independence, so we expected that the rated facial attractiveness would be higher for the high honesty condition. In the irrelevant condition, participants were instructed to rate the attractiveness of a face that was irrelevant to the person in the personality description. If a negative/positive mood elicited by reading personality descriptions modified facial attractiveness judgments, the “honesty premium” effect should be observed even for the irrelevant faces.

Participants

Eighty-two undergraduate students completed the experiment in exchange for course credit. An additional 49 undergraduates participated and received a voucher reward of 300 JPY. They were recruited through electronic flyers and emails. Because one participant with a monetary reward recognized the personality description we used (see Procedure), we excluded the data of this participant. As a result, we analyzed the results of 130 participants (67 women and 63 men; mean age 19.7, SD = 1.1). They were randomly divided into four groups (2 honesty × 2 relevance). A priori estimation of required sample size was 128 under the assumption of medium effect size (f = 0.25) of the two-way interaction (which was the main hypothesis of this experiment) with α = 0.05 and power = 0.8.

Materials

Experiment 4 used the same personality descriptions as Experiments 1 and 2. We used the same eight stimulus face images as in Experiment 3 (Fig 1d).

Procedure

The experiment was conducted online using Google Forms. We prepared 32 forms (four conditions × eight face images), and each participant was randomly assigned to one of them. Each form comprised a cover page, a personality description, personality ratings, physical ratings, and mood ratings. We adopted the same seven personality rating items as in Experiments 1 and 2. For physical ratings, we used the eight items (including attractiveness) used in Experiment 2. In the relevant condition, the physical ratings page presented a face image and explained that it was the face of the person described on the previous page (Shōta [M] or Misaki [F]). In the irrelevant condition, the page explained that the face image was that of another person (Takumi [M] or Nanami [F]), not the person described on the previous page (Shōta or Misaki). Participants responded to the items using a 9-point scale in the same way as in Experiment 3. Following the physical ratings, participants responded to the mood ratings: “how well do the following words fit your current mood?” We used four positive affect (PA) items (happy, pleased, comfortable, and amusing) and five negative affect (NA) items (depressed, unpleasant, nervous, angry, and anxious). These items were rated on a 7-point scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 6 (very much). A series of questions followed, asking if the participants recognized any of the personality descriptions or the facial images. These questions were used to find participants who had participated in other experiments reported in this paper.

Results

Personality ratings

As a manipulation check, the mean rated honesty was analyzed using a 2-way ANOVA (honesty×relevance). The honesty manipulation was successful, as confirmed by the significantly higher mean rated honesty for the high honesty condition, M = 7.9, SD = 1.4, than for the low honesty condition, M = 2.2, SD = 1.3 (F(1, 126) = 615.48, p < .001, ηp2 = .830). The main effect of relevance and the 2-way interaction were not significant (F(1, 126) = 1.94, p = .166, ηp2 = .015; F(1, 126) = 0.10, p = .753, ηp2 = .001, respectively). As in Experiments 1 and 2, many other personality items were modified by honesty; a high honesty target was rated as more intelligent, more independent, more sociable, more likable, less anxious, and less ambitious (see S4 Table).

Physical ratings

Unexpectedly, the effect of honesty on attractiveness ratings was not replicated (Fig 4a). A 2-way ANOVA on attractiveness ratings yielded a non-significant main effect of honesty (F(1, 126) = 0.90, p = .344, ηp2 = .007, BF10 = .016) and a non-significant interaction with relevance (F(1, 126) = 0.11, p = .737, ηp2 = .001). The main effect of relevance was also not significant (F(1, 126) = 0.29, p = .592, ηp2 = .002). However, we found significant 2-way interactions for two items (mean–kind, stout neck–graceful neck; ps < .05) and a marginal interaction for one item (coarse hair–fine hair, p = .054; see S4 Table). Importantly, in all of these 3 items, the simple main effect of honesty was significant in the relevant condition but not in the irrelevant condition, suggesting that the honesty manipulation modified the physical ratings only for the relevant faces. No significant effect was found for any of the other items.

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (6)

Results of Experiment 4.

Data of facial attractiveness ratings (a) and mood ratings (b, c) are shown. Error bars indicate 95% CI of the mean. Each dot indicates each participant’s result. PA = positive affect, NA = negative affect.

Mood ratings

Target honesty did not alter the participants’ mood (see Fig 4b and 4c). The same 2-way ANOVAs (honesty × relevance) were applied to PA scores (averages of the four positive affect items) and NA scores (averages of the five negative affect items). The mean PA scores were 3.0 (SD = 1.4) for the high honesty condition and 2.9 (SD = 1.3) for the low honesty condition, and the main effect of honesty was not significant (F(1, 126) = 0.35, p = .553, ηp2 = .003). Mean NA scores were 1.6 (SD = 3.0) and 2.0 (SD = 2.9) for high and low honesty conditions, respectively, and the main effect of honesty was not significant (F(1, 126) = 2.34, p = .128, ηp2 = .018). The main effect of relevance and its interaction with honesty were not significant for either PA or NA scores (ps > .1). When the same ANOVA was applied to each item, we found only one NA item (“unpleasant”) to be modified significantly by honesty (F(1, 126) = 6.19, p = .014, ηp2 = .047); reading the low-honesty target description induced an unpleasant mood.

The PA and NA scores did not relate to the facial attractiveness ratings. A multiple linear regression model to fit the rated attractiveness with the independent variables of PA and NA scores found that neither of the regression coefficients was statistically significant (b = 0.24 and 0.11, respectively; ps > .05). Against this model, the null model was more likely (BF01 = 3.67). Likewise, the NA item “unpleasant” did not account for the attractiveness ratings (b = −0.03, p = .774; BF01 = 5.14).

Discussion

Since the “honesty premium” effect was not replicated, even in the relevant condition, we could not determine whether the effect was attributable to participants’ moods. The replication failure might be due to the use of course credit. The students who participated in exchange for course credit were assigned a short report on the experiment, and they might have had a critical perspective on the content of the experiment. Indeed, the effect size of honesty on the rated facial attractiveness in the relevant condition (high honesty condition minus low honesty condition) was smaller (0.24) for the participants who received course credit than for those who received a monetary reward (0.66).

Despite replication failure, the pattern of the results was generally inconsistent with the mood hypothesis. First, the participants’ mood ratings did not correlate with the facial attractiveness ratings. Second, a significant effect of honesty on the physical ratings of target faces was found only in the relevant condition. Nevertheless, we could not draw definite conclusions on the mood hypothesis because of the replication failure of the honesty premium effect. Further study is warranted.

General discussion

We successfully replicated Paunonen’s [60] honesty premium effect in Experiments 1 and 2 (but not in Experiment 4). The effect was independent of the pre-rated facial attractiveness of target person, participant gender, target gender, and target clothing attractiveness. The effect of honesty was found not only for facial attractiveness but also for other physical features. These findings are largely consistent with those of previous studies [5658, 6062], indicating that the effect is robust and reproducible. We also found that the information of a less aggressive personality might increase the facial attractiveness of a male target (Experiment 3), and that of a creative personality did not have any effect on facial characteristic ratings. Together with the previous reports, the information of high honesty, high kindness, and low aggressiveness (of a male target) may enhance the facial attractiveness of the target, whereas intelligence, independence, and creativity did not (although Paunonen [60] reported an interaction effect of intelligence and independence).

These findings indicate that not all desirable personality traits increase the facial attractiveness ratings. Why do some traits modify the perception of facial attractiveness and other traits do not? As the classical experiment of Asch [75] showed, some “central” personality traits may have critical roles in person perception compared to “peripheral” traits. The perception of warmth-related personality traits, such as honesty, may raise the perceived attractiveness of a target face as those traits predict favorable and rewarding interpersonal behaviors. This is consistent with the view that facial attractiveness is utilized as a criterion that leads observers to approach/avoidance behaviors. As noted in Experiment 3, the recent theories of social perception claim that the structure of the perception of others has two main factors, warmth and competence [6971]. However, the perception of competence-related traits seems to have little or no effect on the perception of facial attractiveness.

Facial attractiveness is a psychological composite of various sources of information. This means that it is sensitive to non-physical information and therefore malleable. The visual mechanism tuned for some “attractive” facial features, such as symmetry and averageness, should be considered as a component in relation to other components that make up the psychological system of attractiveness perception.

The mechanism by which perceived personality modifies facial attractiveness

Paunonen [60] concluded that increased facial attractiveness was mediated by general likability, and our results were consistent with this view. The rated likability of a target person was increased by honest personality descriptions (Experiments 1 and 2). The mediation effect of likability was further confirmed by a mediation analysis on Experiment 2, which had a large sample. A significant direct effect from the rated honesty to the rated attractiveness (b = 0.26, p < .001) became non-significant (b = −0.04, p = .63) by controlling the rated likability as a mediator. The indirect effect mediated by the rated likability was statistically significant (Sobel’s test, z = 4.35, p < .001; see also S1 Fig). In Experiment 3, we found that the rated likability was significantly lower for the male target (3.9) than for the female target (5.4) in the high aggressiveness condition but there was no gender effect in the low aggressiveness condition (7.2 and 6.8, respectively), which was consistent with the interaction effect found for rated facial attractiveness in Experiment 3. The only exception was Experiment 4, in which honesty manipulation influenced likability but not facial attractiveness.

Experiment 4 tested an alternative account: whether a positive/negative mood elicited by the perception of an honest/dishonest personality would increase/decrease facial attractiveness. We did not find evidence that the participants’ mood correlated with the rated attractiveness. Although Experiment 4 failed to replicate the honesty effect on attractiveness ratings, it was noteworthy that the face of a high-honesty target was rated as kinder, having a more graceful neck and finer hair in the relevant condition, while there was no effect of honesty on physical ratings in the irrelevant condition. These results imply that a mediating effect of mood is relatively unlikely.

Limitations and implications for future research

In Experiment 4, we failed to replicate the effect of honesty on facial attractiveness. Experiment 4 also suggests that a high likability of the target does not necessarily increase facial attractiveness. The psychological mechanism behind the “good is beautiful” effect should be examined in further detail.

Another issue to be considered is the critical nature of personality traits that influence facial attractiveness judgments. We presumed that personality traits that could predict favorable or rewarding interpersonal behaviors, such as high honesty and low aggressiveness, would increase facial attractiveness. Perception of these traits would also increase likability, which is consistent with the mechanism proposed by Paunonen [60]. We may test this hypothesis through further experiments that manipulate participants’ expectations of rewarding interpersonal behaviors.

Finally, the ecological validity of our experiments is limited. The generality of the “good is beautiful” effect in more ecologically valid situations should be investigated in future research.

Conclusions

The perception of an honest personality of male and female target persons enhanced the target facial attractiveness rated by male and female participants. It was also implied that the perception of a less aggressive personality of a male target increased facial attractiveness. Creative personality did not yield such effect. Perceptions of warmth-related traits through verbal information may alter the perceived facial attractiveness of the target person, whereas competence-related traits seem to have only partial or little effect. The “honesty premium” effect on facial attractiveness was replicated with a diverse-age sample and was observed independent of target gender, participant gender, target clothing, and pre-rated target facial attractiveness. Paunonen [60] suggested that this effect is mediated by general likability, and our results were largely consistent with this account. We did not find evidence for the hypothesis that a positive mood induced by the perception of an honest personality would enhance facial attractiveness.

These results suggested the presence of a “what is good is beautiful” stereotype in addition to the physical attractiveness stereotype (“what is beautiful is good”). Facial attractiveness is formed not only by physical features but is a psychological composite of multiple factors made by integrating a wide range of information related to the target person.

Supporting information

S1 Fig

Mediation analysis on Experiment 2.

(PDF)

S1 Table

Results of Experiment 1.

(PDF)

S2 Table

Results of Experiment 2.

(PDF)

S3 Table

Results of Experiment 3.

(PDF)

S4 Table

Results of Experiment 4.

(PDF)

S1 Appendix

Experiment 3 personality descriptions.

(PDF)

Funding Statement

This study was supported by a grant from the KOSE Kosmetology Research Foundation (https://www.kose-cosmetology.or.jp/) awarded to RN (J-20-30). The funder did not play any role in the study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Data Availability

All data files are available in the OSF repository (https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/RYSNM).

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  • Decision Letter 0

2023; 18(2): e0281758.

Published online 2023 Feb 13. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0281758.r001

Vilfredo De Pascalis, Academic Editor

Copyright and License information PMC Disclaimer

9 Nov 2022

PONE-D-22-24839Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgmentsPLOS ONE

Dear Dr. Niimi,

Thank you for submitting your manuscript to PLOS ONE. After careful consideration, we feel that it has merit but does not fully meet PLOS ONE’s publication criteria as it currently stands. Therefore, we invite you to submit a revised version of the manuscript that addresses the points raised during the review process.

Both Reviewers raised several issues that need to be addressed (e.g., results from experiment four and various other statements). Thus, I invite the authors to review their manuscript strictly following the Reviewer's statements and then resubmit their revised manuscript.

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Additional Editor Comments:

Both Reviewers raised several issues that need to be addressed (e.g., results from experiment four and various other statements).

Thus I invite the authors to review their manuscript strictly following the Reviewer's statements and then resubmit their revised manuscript.

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Reviewers' comments:

Reviewer's Responses to Questions

Comments to the Author

1. Is the manuscript technically sound, and do the data support the conclusions?

The manuscript must describe a technically sound piece of scientific research with data that supports the conclusions. Experiments must have been conducted rigorously, with appropriate controls, replication, and sample sizes. The conclusions must be drawn appropriately based on the data presented.

Reviewer #1:Partly

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

2. Has the statistical analysis been performed appropriately and rigorously?

Reviewer #1:No

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

3. Have the authors made all data underlying the findings in their manuscript fully available?

The PLOS Data policy requires authors to make all data underlying the findings described in their manuscript fully available without restriction, with rare exception (please refer to the Data Availability Statement in the manuscript PDF file). The data should be provided as part of the manuscript or its supporting information, or deposited to a public repository. For example, in addition to summary statistics, the data points behind means, medians and variance measures should be available. If there are restrictions on publicly sharing data—e.g. participant privacy or use of data from a third party—those must be specified.

Reviewer #1:Yes

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

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PLOS ONE does not copyedit accepted manuscripts, so the language in submitted articles must be clear, correct, and unambiguous. Any typographical or grammatical errors should be corrected at revision, so please note any specific errors here.

Reviewer #1:Yes

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

5. Review Comments to the Author

Please use the space provided to explain your answers to the questions above. You may also include additional comments for the author, including concerns about dual publication, research ethics, or publication ethics. (Please upload your review as an attachment if it exceeds 20,000 characters)

Reviewer #1:The manuscript was generally well written. I note a few confusing statements below. My greatest concern is how Experiment 4 produces inconclusive results but the authors interpret them to mean that positive or negative affect is not involved in the process. I believe the contribution would be more scientifically clear if Exp. 4 were removed or if the researchers conducted another experiment to clarify the results of Exp. 4. Below I give my comments in the order in which they appeared in the manuscript.

In the abstract, the authors write "more or less concerned." This is unclear. Writing, "Most people are at least somewhat concerned..." would be more clear.

In the abstract, the authors write "personal traits" when they mean "personality traits" (I believe).

In the abstract, the word "influence" is used, but it would be more accurate to write "correlated." This is because "influence" implies causality but most of the research is correlational (it is difficult to randomly assign folks to physical attractiveness levels).

Page 4, line 17 -- "yielded" is unclear; "gave" would be more accurate.

In Study 1, the authors explain the sample size by writing that it was determined following the previous study. This is not clear. Simply using the same sample size as past is not good practice. Power calculations are needed. This same comment applies to all experiments.

Page 7, line 5 -- "with the appearance of 20s" is unclear. Do you mean that the photo was shown for 20s? Just state it more directly, if so.

Page 8, line 27 -- "seemed equal" -- At several places in the results, the authors want to claim that they proved the null hypothesis. This is incorrect. Bayes or some other statistics are needed to do this. See Aczel, B., Palfi, B., Szollosi, A., Kovacs, M., Szaszi, B., Szecsi, P., ... & Wagenmakers, E. J. (2018). Quantifying support for the null hypothesis in psychology: An empirical investigation. Advances in Methods and Practices in Psychological Science, 1(3), 357-366.). To claim support for a null hypothesis, Bayes statistics need to be used (jamovi and JASP are free software that can easily be used to calculate Bayes factors).

Page 10, line 26-27: it is not clear why the sample size was too small to examine participant gender. This is also confusing because gender is tested in the middle of page 11.

Experiment 3 nicely reported a priori sample size determination methods.

In Exp. 3, target creativity and aggressiveness were crossed in the manipulation, so that a target could be high creative and high aggressive. Why was this done? I suspect it complicates the results and probably led to the weaker results and lack of an effect in female targets (the odd, almost interactive effect in female targets suggests this). This should be discussed.

Report standard deviations with each mean.

In Exp. 4, the manipulation of relevance is a good way to test the mood explanation. The measurement of mood is not. The mood ratings were made by participants after all other measures, rendering an insensitive measure even more insensitive. Also, the instructions given to participants for the mood ratings are not provided. They should be.

What happens when you test each mood word, as was done for the attractiveness ratings? The NA results are close to significant.

In the end, Exp. 4 failed to replicate the honesty effect and the experiment does not aid in interpreting the effects. There are many possible reasons for the failure to replicate.

In the discussion, mediation (via likability) is mentioned, but no formal statistical mediation is tested. Inclusion of these analyses would benefit the interpretation of the results.

Reviewer #2:Review of “Good Conduct Makes Your Face Attractive: The Effect of Personality Perception on Facial Attractiveness Judgments”

PONE-D-22-24839

Reviewed for PLOS ONE

(November, 2022)

Although I did not find this an exceptionally strong or groundbreaking set of studies, I also didn’t have a strong reason why the paper should be rejected from this journal. I mostly had suggestions for further clarification in various statements made in the manuscript, as listed below.

Comments (issues that need clarification):

p. 3; line 27: What do you mean by “how to deal with physical attractiveness stereotypes”?

p. 3; line 28: I would add, “Perceptions of..” or “Judgements of…” before Facial attractiveness.

p. 3; line 29: What is the meaning of “shared tastes”?

p. 3; line 30: I would change to “factors affecting perceptions of facial attractiveness…”

p. 4; line 2: Could you say more about the meaning of “hair,” such as length or color?

p. 4; line 3: You might change to “Red color was first shown to increase…”

p. 4; line 9: I would add “the target’s” before facial attractiveness.

p. 4; line 10: What is the meaning of a “unfairly disadvantaged target person (and “unfairly advantaged target” later in the sentence)? Also, I would add “a” and “an” before these phrases.

p. 4; line 12: Can you give an example in parentheses of “Favorable behaviors”?

As you discuss other factors that may influence perceptions of physical attractiveness, you might also refer to prior interactions with the person, as I believe there is research to show that if there is prior interaction (even very limited), the ratings are higher.

p. 5; line 4: You might not want to refer to a “difficult-to-interpret interaction effect” unless you are to explain it.

p. 5; line 10: Can you explain more about ear length and chin shape?

p. 5; line 16: For Experiment 2, you might also refer to the geographical location here, since you do for Experiment 1.

p. 5 line 23: I find it a little odd that shirt attractiveness was varied in an experiment, and would like to see more justification for doing so.

p. 6; I’m a little confused about the pre-registered study on the issue of mood, and wondered why more information about this study was not presented in the manuscript.

p. 7; line 5: You might refer to it as a pilot study rather than a preliminary survey.

p. 7; line 8: You might add “in the pilot study” after “Personality descriptions were not given.”

p. 8; top: When you refer to the 20 items from Paunonen including attractiveness, you might give a couple of examples here in text.

p. 8; lines 4-6: I found this sentence (that begins, “Of interest was…”) to be confusing.

p. 8; line 11: How was it possible in an online survey that two adjacent points could be marked? Or was it a paper survey?

p. 8; bottom: Aren’t the findings related to the effect of pre-rated facial attractiveness on facial attractiveness just a manipulation check?

p. 12: I found it a little odd that you added creativity this study with the anticipation of not finding an effect. Why not include a variable for which you expected a significant effect?

p. 15; line 13 and line 17: I am confused about the meaning of relevant/irrelevant, and think more information needs to be presented.

p. 16; line 4: I am confused by this information. You state that you prepared 32 forms, and each participant was randomly assigned to one of them. But you had only 130 participants, and thus, how could you make valid group comparisons? If this truly is the case, you may need to consider adding more participants or even eliminating this study. Could this also be why the honesty effect was not replicated?

Experiment 4: If mood really was of interest, why wasn’t mood a manipulated independent variable?

General Discussion: It would seem that you should discuss honesty as a “central trait” and the social psych research on how central traits can change the interpretation of other information presented simultaneously.

Very minor editing suggestions:

p. 3; line 11: I would add “a” before stereotype.

p. 9; line 17: I would add “a” before “crowdsourcing platform”

p. 11; line 28: Add “the” before “target person”

p. 14; line 29: Add “the” before perceived personality” and add “a” before target person.

p. 15; line 4: Add “the” before participants.

.

**********

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Reviewer #1:No

Reviewer #2:No

**********

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2023; 18(2): e0281758.

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  • Decision Letter 1

2023; 18(2): e0281758.

Published online 2023 Feb 13. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0281758.r003

Vilfredo De Pascalis, Academic Editor

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26 Jan 2023

PONE-D-22-24839R1Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgmentsPLOS ONE

Dear Dr. Niimi,

Thank you for submitting your manuscript to PLOS ONE. After careful consideration, we feel that it has merit but does not fully meet PLOS ONE’s publication criteria as it currently stands. Therefore, we invite you to submit a revised version of the manuscript that addresses the points raised during the review process.

Please submit your revised manuscript by Mar 12 2023 11:59PM. If you will need more time than this to complete your revisions, please reply to this message or contact the journal office atgro.solp@enosolp. When you're ready to submit your revision, log on to https://www.editorialmanager.com/pone/ and select the 'Submissions Needing Revision' folder to locate your manuscript file.

Please include the following items when submitting your revised manuscript:

  • A rebuttal letter that responds to each point raised by the academic editor and reviewer(s). You should upload this letter as a separate file labeled 'Response to Reviewers'.

  • A marked-up copy of your manuscript that highlights changes made to the original version. You should upload this as a separate file labeled 'Revised Manuscript with Track Changes'.

  • An unmarked version of your revised paper without tracked changes. You should upload this as a separate file labeled 'Manuscript'.

If you would like to make changes to your financial disclosure, please include your updated statement in your cover letter. Guidelines for resubmitting your figure files are available below the reviewer comments at the end of this letter.

If applicable, we recommend that you deposit your laboratory protocols in protocols.io to enhance the reproducibility of your results. Protocols.io assigns your protocol its own identifier (DOI) so that it can be cited independently in the future. For instructions see: https://journals.plos.org/plosone/s/submission-guidelines#loc-laboratory-protocols. Additionally, PLOS ONE offers an option for publishing peer-reviewed Lab Protocol articles, which describe protocols hosted on protocols.io. Read more information on sharing protocols at https://plos.org/protocols?utm_medium=editorial-email&utm_source=authorletters&utm_campaign=protocols.

We look forward to receiving your revised manuscript.

Kind regards,

Vilfredo De Pascalis

Academic Editor

PLOS ONE

Journal Requirements:

Please review your reference list to ensure that it is complete and correct. If you have cited papers that have been retracted, please include the rationale for doing so in the manuscript text, or remove these references and replace them with relevant current references. Any changes to the reference list should be mentioned in the rebuttal letter that accompanies your revised manuscript. If you need to cite a retracted article, indicate the article’s retracted status in the References list and also include a citation and full reference for the retraction notice.

Additional Editor Comments:

I see that the authors addressed all the suggested reasonable changes in the first step of revision. I am sorry that only one revision was available in the second step. However, the second Reviewer was satisfied with the addressed changes, although he also identified several minor issues that should be clarified in the manuscript.

Given that the time is going on and assuming that the suggested changes are quickly addressed, I invite the author to make all the proposed minor changes and submit them directly to my attention for acceptance.

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Reviewers' comments:

Reviewer's Responses to Questions

Comments to the Author

1. If the authors have adequately addressed your comments raised in a previous round of review and you feel that this manuscript is now acceptable for publication, you may indicate that here to bypass the “Comments to the Author” section, enter your conflict of interest statement in the “Confidential to Editor” section, and submit your "Accept" recommendation.

Reviewer #2:(No Response)

**********

2. Is the manuscript technically sound, and do the data support the conclusions?

The manuscript must describe a technically sound piece of scientific research with data that supports the conclusions. Experiments must have been conducted rigorously, with appropriate controls, replication, and sample sizes. The conclusions must be drawn appropriately based on the data presented.

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

3. Has the statistical analysis been performed appropriately and rigorously?

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

4. Have the authors made all data underlying the findings in their manuscript fully available?

The PLOS Data policy requires authors to make all data underlying the findings described in their manuscript fully available without restriction, with rare exception (please refer to the Data Availability Statement in the manuscript PDF file). The data should be provided as part of the manuscript or its supporting information, or deposited to a public repository. For example, in addition to summary statistics, the data points behind means, medians and variance measures should be available. If there are restrictions on publicly sharing data—e.g. participant privacy or use of data from a third party—those must be specified.

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

5. Is the manuscript presented in an intelligible fashion and written in standard English?

PLOS ONE does not copyedit accepted manuscripts, so the language in submitted articles must be clear, correct, and unambiguous. Any typographical or grammatical errors should be corrected at revision, so please note any specific errors here.

Reviewer #2:Yes

**********

6. Review Comments to the Author

Please use the space provided to explain your answers to the questions above. You may also include additional comments for the author, including concerns about dual publication, research ethics, or publication ethics. (Please upload your review as an attachment if it exceeds 20,000 characters)

Reviewer #2:Re-review of “Good Conduct Makes your Face Attractive: The Effect of Personality Perception on Facial Attractiveness Judgments”

Reviewed for PLOS ONE

The authors have revised the manuscript in a satisfactory way and also written a reasonable cover letter indicating how they have responded to reviewer suggestions from the first round of review. Below, I identify several issues that could still use clarification in the manuscript.

Abstract; line 3: You state that human facial attractiveness is related to physical features, such as averageness and symmetry. I think some readers will have no idea of what you mean by averageness, as it can have another meaning too in regard to physical attractiveness (just being an average looking person). I would suggest you provide a different example, such as “clear complexion.”

Abstract; line 5: When you write, “Here, we examined the effect…” add “judgments of attractiveness”.

Abstract; line 11: The phrase, “whereas aggressive personality of a male target might decrease the rated facial attractiveness” should be replaced with what finding you actually obtained.

p. 3; line 12: I found it confusing (and a little annoying actually) when you have a sentence such as “It is noteworthy that the validity of such a stereotype has been questioned (but see…). First, you don’t say how the validity has been questioned, and then you don’t give us an idea of what the “but see” would say. So, both parts of the sentence seem misleading, and particularly in combination.

p. 3; line 20; ditto the two “but see”.

p. 3; line 24 and 25: Judgments of attractiveness are not the same as “being attracted”, but this sentence implies they are the same.

p. 3; line 25: You state that attractiveness is not an objective reality and that beauty is in the eye of the beholder. However, earlier in the same page (line 17), you had indicated that visual perception of facial attractiveness is consistent among observers.

p. 3; line 28: Can you provide a citation at the end of this sentence saying that appearance-related prejudice and stereotypes may undermine psychological wellbeing?

p. 3; line 30: I’m still not sure what you mean by “private tastes”. I think you could choose a different wording.

p. 4; line 13: I think you give enough other examples that it would be fine to delete the example of the study referring to an “unfairly disadvantaged job applicant” and an “unfairly advantaged applicant”. I think that is just a confusing example.

p. 5; line 5: Maybe change to: a personality description that included the manipulations of honesty, intelligence, and independence.

p. 7; top; Explain more where the participants were obtained from and how they were recruited.

p. 7: Because you had both male and female targets (and described that at the top of p. 7), it is confusing when you don’t refer to the gender of the target at the bottom of the page (that it is just ignored).

p. 8; line 24: You state that “Pre-rated facial attractiveness had almost no effect…” That sentence seems too ambiguous. Either there are effects or there are none.

p. 9; Summary: In this brief Summary, summarize again the findings that lead to the conclusion that there was an “honesty premium” effect.

p. 9; bottom: I’m still confused why clothing was manipulated rather than facial attractiveness.

p. 10; line 19: Provide another statement about what the two attractiveness t-shirts looked like and what the unattractive t-shirts looked like.

p. 12; top: Were there any significant interactions?

p. 12; line 20: You might consider adding this phrase in parentheses after “attractiveness ratings because aggressiveness (or its opposite)…

p. 13; Participants: Where did the participants come from and how were they recruited?

p. 16: Ditto the question for Experiment 4.

**********

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Do you want your identity to be public for this peer review? For information about this choice, including consent withdrawal, please see our Privacy Policy.

Reviewer #2:No

**********

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  • Author response to Decision Letter 1

2023; 18(2): e0281758.

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Please see the attached file "ResponseToReviewers.docx".

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  • Decision Letter 2

2023; 18(2): e0281758.

Published online 2023 Feb 13. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0281758.r005

Vilfredo De Pascalis, Academic Editor

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1 Feb 2023

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments

PONE-D-22-24839R2

Dear Dr. Niimi,

We’re pleased to inform you that your manuscript has been judged scientifically suitable for publication and will be formally accepted for publication once it meets all outstanding technical requirements.

Within one week, you’ll receive an e-mail detailing the required amendments. When these have been addressed, you’ll receive a formal acceptance letter and your manuscript will be scheduled for publication.

An invoice for payment will follow shortly after the formal acceptance. To ensure an efficient process, please log into Editorial Manager at http://www.editorialmanager.com/pone/, click the 'Update My Information' link at the top of the page, and double check that your user information is up-to-date. If you have any billing related questions, please contact our Author Billing department directly at gro.solp@gnillibrohtua.

If your institution or institutions have a press office, please notify them about your upcoming paper to help maximize its impact. If they’ll be preparing press materials, please inform our press team as soon as possible -- no later than 48 hours after receiving the formal acceptance. Your manuscript will remain under strict press embargo until 2 pm Eastern Time on the date of publication. For more information, please contact gro.solp@sserpeno.

Kind regards,

Vilfredo De Pascalis

Academic Editor

PLOS ONE

Additional Editor Comments (optional):

The authors have addressed all the minor comments of the Reviewer#2. Thus I think can now be accepted for publication.

Reviewers' comments:

  • PLoS One. 2023; 18(2): e0281758.
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  • Acceptance letter

2023; 18(2): e0281758.

Published online 2023 Feb 13. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0281758.r006

Vilfredo De Pascalis, Academic Editor

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3 Feb 2023

PONE-D-22-24839R2

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments

Dear Dr. Niimi:

I'm pleased to inform you that your manuscript has been deemed suitable for publication in PLOS ONE. Congratulations! Your manuscript is now with our production department.

If your institution or institutions have a press office, please let them know about your upcoming paper now to help maximize its impact. If they'll be preparing press materials, please inform our press team within the next 48 hours. Your manuscript will remain under strict press embargo until 2 pm Eastern Time on the date of publication. For more information please contact gro.solp@sserpeno.

If we can help with anything else, please email us at gro.solp@enosolp.

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on behalf of

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Articles from PLOS ONE are provided here courtesy of PLOS

Good conduct makes your face attractive: The effect of personality perception on facial attractiveness judgments (2024)

FAQs

What affects our perception of attractiveness in faces? ›

Also consistent with anomalous face overgeneralization, the specific facial qualities that influence attractiveness are ones that evolutionary psychologists have linked to fitness. These include facial averageness (a facial configuration close to the population mean), symmetry, sexual dimorphism, and youthfulness.

What contributes to facial attractiveness? ›

Human facial attractiveness is related to physical features, such as clear complexion and symmetry. However, it is also known that facial attractiveness judgments are influenced by a wide range of non-physical factors.

What is the attractive face theory? ›

Also, studies have shown that nearly symmetrical faces are considered highly attractive as compared to asymmetrical ones. The symmetry of the nose seems to be more important than that of the lips.

Which type of faces are likely to be perceived as more attractive? ›

Symmetry and Attractiveness

Symmetry has long been associated with beauty. A symmetrical face, where the left and right sides mirror each other, is often perceived as more attractive7. This preference for symmetry may be linked to the perception of good health and genetic fitness8.

How does attractiveness influence the way we are perceived by others? ›

Physical appearance is often a major part of the halo effect. People who are considered attractive tend to be rated higher on other positive traits as well. However, this effect doesn't just affect our perceptions of people based on their attractiveness. It can also encompass other traits as well.

What is the most attractive face shape? ›

Oval face shape is found to be the world's most ideal and attractive face shape.

What makes a face unattractive? ›

Facial hair, double chins, uneven facial skin tone, and so on are all considered rather unattractive facial features that both men and women suffer from.

What are the signs of attractive face? ›

The concept of a “perfect” face leans heavily towards symmetry and balance. Typically, features such as larger eyes, a slender nose, pronounced cheekbones, plump lips, and overall harmonious proportions are deemed attractive. However, beauty is subjective and varies across cultures and individuals.

Can your personality make you attractive? ›

Positive personality traits — like helpfulness and honesty — make people appear physically more attractive, research finds.

What makes a girl beautiful physically? ›

Heterosexual men tend to be attracted to women who have a youthful appearance and exhibit features such as a symmetrical face, full breasts, full lips, and a low waist–hip ratio.

What features make you look younger? ›

The triangle (V shape) refers to the three distinctive youthful face features. These features include high cheekbones, full cheek volume, and a well-defined jawline with the chin as the apex. Youthful skin is smooth, soft, well-hydrated, and rich in cells that regenerate relatively quickly.

Who has the closest perfect face? ›

According to the Golden Ratio, a scientific measure of beauty, Jodie Comer is the world's most beautiful woman. Her face closely matches ideal proportions with a score of 94.52%.

What are the most attractive physical features in a woman? ›

Taller women are generally perceived as being more attractive by men, and surveys show that guys rank height as one of their top traits in a woman. This is probably because evolution has hardwired us to be attracted to signs of fertility, including large breasts and hips and long legs.

What makes a face cute for a woman? ›

But what is it that makes a face pretty and attractive? Different facial cosmetic features can make a face pretty when they come together. Big, alert eyes, a small, proportional nose, perky cheeks, a well-defined jawline, or full lips usually grab people's attention and strike them as beautiful.

What makes your face beautiful? ›

There are some subtle features that are key to our perceptions of “what makes a face beautiful”. These include: The arch, width, and shape of the eyebrows. The shape or length of a nose.

Why are people nicer to good looking people? ›

Those who are considered attractive are often perceived more positively, a phenomenon known as the “halo effect”. This psychological bias leads people to assume that physically attractive people possess other desirable traits such as intelligence, kindness, and competency.

Is it true that others see you more attractive? ›

A new study shows that 20% of people see you as more attractive than you do. When you look in the mirror, all you see is your appearance. When others look at you they see something different such as personality, kindness, intelligence, and sense of humor. All these factors make up a part of a person's overall beauty.

Do good looking people get treated differently? ›

Beautiful people are typically treated better by others. In a study from Harvard University, researchers found that wearing makeup, shown to enhance a woman's attractiveness, boosted people's perceptions of that subject's competence, likability, attractiveness, and trustworthiness.

What affects face perception? ›

The fusiform gyrus and the amygdala

The fusiform gyri are preferentially responsive to faces, whereas the parahippocampal/lingual gyri are responsive to buildings. While certain areas respond selectively to faces, facial processing involves many neural networks, including visual and emotional processing systems.

What factors affect our perceptions of beauty? ›

Each person's perception of beauty is influenced by environment and perceptual adaptation, an experience-based process. Perception of beauty varies by race and ethnicity.

What affects your attractiveness? ›

Static qualities of the face and body influence attractiveness judgments, including facial symmetry, averageness, and other facial features; body shape; and grooming and dress. Importantly, most results are based on quick attractiveness judgments made with little self-interest.

What factors determine attractiveness? ›

Physical attraction is often the spark that inspires a connection between people. Many factors can play a role, including facial features, physical dimensions, facial expressions, and non-visual cues. Evolutionary and sociocultural factors also play a part.

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